Posts Tagged ‘NewsStory’

Corporate Political Spending Curb Sought

June 15th, 2010

Bill Comes in Wake of Propositions 16 and 17

By Matt Kawahara, THE SACRAMENTO BEE

Democratic lawmakers took aim Monday at corporate political spending after businesses poured millions of dollars into measures on the California primary ballot.

Assemblyman Pedro Nava, D-Santa Barbara, and Sen. Mark Leno, D-San Francisco, introduced bills that would limit where companies can obtain money to fund their political agendas.

Leading up to last week’s primary, Pacific Gas and Electric Co. spent more than $46 million in support of Proposition 16, while Mercury Insurance backed Proposition 17 with $16 million.

Both measures failed by slim margins. Proposition 16 would have shielded PG&E from competition by requiring that public utilities obtain a two-thirds vote before they could expand. Proposition 17 would have allowed insurance customers to take their loyalty discounts with them to a new carrier.

“Corporations shouldn’t be able to use the corporate treasury as a war chest,” said Pedro Morillas, consumer advocate for the California Public Interest Research Group, which is sponsoring Nava’s legislation.

The bill, AB 919, would require corporations to deliver an annual report to shareholders detailing the company’s political activities and expenditures.

Shareholders would be able to opt out of having their money used for those expenditures and would be reimbursed with a dividend.

The bill defines political spending as money invested in supporting or opposing candidates or ballot measures, Nava said. It does not include spending for lobbying.

It applies to shareholders who are residents of California and corporations that either are based in or operate in the state, Nava said.

A similar bill was introduced in 2006 but failed in the Assembly.

Even though Propositions 16 and 17 were rejected by voters, Nava said money is often still “the big determinant” in political races.

To illustrate that point, environmental organizations joined Nava at a news conference Monday to back his bill. They are supporting AB 919 in anticipation of a November fight over a ballot measure to suspend AB 32, the state’s landmark climate change law.

The California Jobs Initiative, as the ballot measure is known, is financially backed by Texas oil giant Valero Energy Corp.

Opponents of AB 919 say that the bill is simply “unnecessary” because corporate contributions are already made public in required filings with the state. Shareholders can simply sell their stock if they disagree with the corporation’s political agenda, said a letter from the California Chamber of Commerce.

David Fogarty, spokesman for the California Jobs Initiative, said Nava’s news conference Monday appeared to be a “diversionary tactic.” Suspending AB 32, he said, “will help save thousands of jobs and avoid billions in higher energy costs.”

Leno’s legislation would specifically prohibit PG&E from using ratepayer funds in future political campaigns.

PG&E, though, is committed to making sure that its political contributions are funded by shareholders and not ratepayers, spokeswoman Cynthia Pollard said in an e-mail response.

mkawahara@sacbee.com

Power Grabs Hit a Wall

June 13th, 2010

By Michael Hiltzik, THE LOS ANGELES TIMES

We may finally have discovered a remedy for corporate executives with more greed than brains: Let them invest corporate funds by the millions in California ballot initiatives, then vote the things down.

Isn’t that the lesson of Tuesday’s balloting on Propositions 16 and 17, those majestically cynical initiatives sponsored by Pacific Gas & Electric Co. and Mercury Insurance Group?

To recap for the 82% of eligible voters statewide who didn’t bother to vote last week, Proposition 16 was an initiative concocted by PG&E, the state’s biggest private utility, to hamstring the public power agencies that are its chief competitors — pretty much its only competitors. Of the $46 million in cash contributions raised to pass the initiative, $46 million, or 100%, came from PG&E.

Proposition 17 was an initiative concocted by Mercury to undermine the insurance consumer protection system put into place by Proposition 103 of 1988. Of the $13.56 million in cash raised to promote Prop. 17, $13.5 million came from Mercury, whose founder and chairman, George Joseph, has turned the punching of holes in Prop. 103 into a personal obsession. That spending may make Mercury a cheapskate by PG&E standards, but by any rational standard of democratic process, the scale of it was obscene.

Yet these initiatives went down in defeat by almost identical margins, losing about 52%-48%.

That doesn’t speak well of the management prowess of the executives in charge. PG&E Chairman Peter Darbee walked his company down a $46-million plank to secure it nothing but a permanent place in the corporate citizenship hall of shame. He collected $10.6 million in compensation last year.

Do the PG&E directors really believe that the outcome of Tuesday’s vote is the sort of performance they’ve so lavishly paid Darbee to achieve? If they do, I have a follow-up question: What makes them qualified to serve on a corporate board?

Considering that the U.S. Supreme Court has given the green light to almost limitless political spending by corporate interests, it’s worth pondering how the initiatives lost, the better to deal with the oil slick of electoral cash sure to be heading our way on the next tide.

The most striking statistic that emerges from Tuesday’s results, as my colleagues Marc Lifsher and Dianne Klein have observed, is the margin by which Proposition 16 got beaten within PG&E’s service area in Northern and Central California — a “no” vote of more than 60% in much of the region.

The measure lost by narrower margins in many Southern California counties, where there wasn’t enough familiarity with PG&E to breed that much contempt.

The “no” vote on Mercury’s Proposition 17 followed a similar pattern, which suggests that the proximity on the ballot of the two corporate power grabs made anti-PG&E sentiment infectious.

That indicates that the antidote to unrestrained corporate political spending is to make sure that voters know that a corporate interest is behind an ad, an issue campaign or a candidate.

As it happens, that’s the approach chosen by Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) in their Disclose Act, which would require CEOs to appear on camera to endorse any ad or commercial their companies fund, as candidates do. (The act has recently run into opposition from the National Rifle Assn. and the AFL-CIO, which don’t care to be held to the same rules.)

That the proposed disclosure rules would likely have a disinfecting influence follows from a very interesting pattern discernable in the corporate initiative campaigns in this state — along with Props. 16 and 17, let’s throw in the attempt by the oil company Venoco to cripple the municipal planning process in the city of Carpinteria (slaughtered Tuesday 70%-30%), and the oil industry’s developing campaign to suspend the state’s emissions limits (due for a vote in November).

The pattern is that the companies and industries most willing to subvert democracy by turbo-funding deceitful initiative campaigns are those with already dodgy records of corporate citizenship.

PG&E’s reputation for customer service and its compliance record on regulatory directives are unremittingly foul — so much so that the Public Utilities Commission had to issue a four-page letter last month explaining to the company, in terms even a 4-year-old could understand, how its machinations against Marin County’s renewable energy initiative violated the law.

Mercury has been repeatedly accused by regulators of dealing with the state’s rules on insurance underwriting by simply ignoring them. Occasionally the company has agreed to rectify illicit practices, according to a complaint filed in April by the Department of Insurance, and then failed to do so.

“Ultimately, Mercury does not believe that we have the authority to require them to change … their business practices,” observed a 2004 agency memo, which is as concise a description of this company’s attitude as you could wish.

As for the oil industry, the evidence of its concern for the public interest has been washing up on the beaches of the Gulf of Mexico every day for a month and a half.

One lesson of the Proposition 16 and 17 campaigns may be that PG&E and Mercury, as regulated companies, have been treated far too indulgently by government overseers. The regulators plainly have allowed both companies to overcharge their customers so much that the excess cash has been burning a hole in their pockets.

Take PG&E, which currently has an application before the PUC for a multibillion-dollar rate hike. The utility maintains that the $46 million it spent on Proposition 16 belongs to its shareholders, not ratepayers, but that’s a typically neat piece of deception. The truth is that every penny PG&E has comes from its customers’ pockets; it’s possible that eventually the firm will have to cut shareholder returns to cover the Prop. 16 campaign, but it won’t have to document for the PUC how it accounted for those expenditures until years have passed. In the meantime, it was able to use the customers’ money, essentially for free, against those customers’ interests.

As for Mercury, it reported that it spent well below 70% of its collected premiums on claims last year. Even health insurers typically pay out more than that.

Both firms have proved that they can’t be trusted to use their spare cash for their shareholders’ good, much less the public interest. The PUC and Insurance Department should take the evidence to heart: Give companies like this too big an allowance, and they’ll only use the money to cause trouble.

———-

Michael Hiltzik’s column appears Sundays and Wednesdays. Reach him at mhiltzik@latimes.com, read past columns at www.latimes.com/hiltzik, check out www.facebook.com/hiltzik, and follow @latimeshiltzik on Twitter.

Californians Turn Back PG&E and Mercury’s Attempt to Rewrite Laws for Their Own Profit

June 12th, 2010

By David M. Greenwald, THE PEOPLE’S VANGUARD OF DAVIS

A lot of people I think took for granted that given the amount of money that PG&E spent on Proposition 16, to essentially put public power out of business, that it would prevail.  In fact, PG&E was not alone.  Mercury Insurance also spent about $16 million to pass Proposition 17.  PG&E spent $44 million.

Given the fact that PG&E’s deceptive ads were on TV every day, every hour, heck every minute, I will fully admit I had no faith that the average person would be able to see through the rhetoric.  And yet somehow just enough people did.

Jack Pitney, a political science professor from Claremont McKenna College, said Wednesday, the lesson is that “if you’re going to win a special-interest initiative, you need a better disguise. The link was too obvious, and the voters smelled a rat.”   He continued, “People like the idea of free enterprise, but in (Propositions 16 and 17) people sensed that one specific corporation was seeking a benefit for (itself).”

We have discussed Proposition 16 on these pages a few times, it was known as the “Taxpayers Right to Vote Act,” a deceptive title given the fact that taxpayers already have the right to vote, but this would actually make their voice worth a good deal less as it would require a two-thirds vote before a public utility could extend service to new customers or new territories.  It was a naked power play intended to make service expansions such as the proposed expansion of SMUD into Yolo County from four years ago an impossibility.

PG&E was able to defeat that effort, but it cost them $10 million.  They obviously felt the threat and sought to avoid such a fate in the future.

Proposition 17 was placed on the ballot by Mercury Insurance and it would have overturned state law prohibiting insurance companies from considering a driver’s insurance history to set rates.

Los Angeles Times analysis found that in counties served by PG&E, voters rejected the measure by large margins while counties less familiar with PG&E supported it.  Writes the LA Times on June 10, “Fed up with big bills, distrustful of new meters that show higher usage and chagrined by power shutoffs when payments are late, PG&E’s customers sent a vote of no-confidence to the giant utility this week when they rejected the utility-sponsored Proposition 16.”

According to the San Francisco Chronicle on June 10, “Prop. 16’s strongest showing came in Southern California, which gets its electricity from other utility companies. The measure fared worst in the Bay Area, PG&E’s home. San Francisco, site of the company’s headquarters, voted 67.8 percent against the measure. A majority of voters in every Bay Area county rejected the measure.”

“It shows that the more people know about PG&E, the less popular it is,” said Mark Toney, one of the leaders of the campaign against Prop. 16. “That’s a problem for any company.”

“It sends a message to corporate America that it doesn’t matter how much money they put into this,” said Toney, executive director of The Utility Reform Network, a consumer watchdog group.

Well not exactly.

According to Gale Kaufman, a campaign consultant to the No on 16 effort, the opposition only spent about $100,000 with nearly one-third of that going to an early poll.  She told the Sacramento Bee that the poll showed that Proposition would lose convincingly from the start.

“Kaufman said voters didn’t see Proposition 16 as a citizen-empowerment measure, but as a cleverly worded ploy of a single for-profit utility.  ”(PG&E’s) biggest miscalculation, besides spending all that money, was that they really thought they could trick people by the phrasing they used on that initiative,” she said.”

That is one way to look at it, the other way to look at it is that PG&E took a convincing defeat and turned it into a narrow loss with their heavy spending.

Nevertheless, it would seem that questions about PG&E and the accuracy of their new SmartMeters along with rate increases which drew angry protests last year swayed key areas.  These rate increases hit hardest in normally conservative enclaves in Fresno and Kern counties.  And so for one of the few times, conservative Fresno and Kern counties joined with liberal portions of the state like San Francisco to vote against Proposition 16.

“When does the Central Valley ever vote with the coast?” asked Bill McEwen, columnist for the Fresno Bee. “The SmartMeter thing really eroded the trust between PG&E and its customers.”

State Sen. Mark Leno a strong opponent of Proposition 16 said on Tuesday night, “I think [Prop 16] represents the epidemic of corporate greed that is so challenging in this country right now, whether its banking or the oil industry.  I think a victory tonight would really speak to California voters rebuking the lies and the deceit spread by PG&E.”

Mark Toney made the comment early on, “PG&E has one thing, and one thing only on their side, which is money.  The fact that were so close is amazing, given that they’ve outspent us 500 to 1.”

Unfortunately it appears that PG&E even in defeat did not get it.

Greg Pruett, senior vice president of corporate affairs for PG&E, issued a statement that said, in part: “While the election outcome hasn’t diminished our steadfast belief that citizens should have a vote in local government efforts to enter the electric utility business, we respect the decision voters made on this initiative.”

He continued to spew the same rhetoric even as it was their own customers that ultimately rejected their efforts.  That had to be a stinging blow.

Mercury Insurance’s statement was equally obtuse, as they continued to play it as a blow to consumers.  The company issued a statement Tuesday night which read in part, “Proposition 17 was a pro-consumer initiative that would have lowered auto insurance rates for millions of California drivers.”

California survived two insidious propositions by the skin of their teeth.  But more and more I believe this is a flawed process.  The original initiative system was supposed to free Californians from the stranglehold that moneyed interests had on the legislature.  The legislature certainly remains strangled, but unfortunately, companies and backers with deep pocket books are generally able to get measures on the ballot, back them with tens of millions, and usually they are able to pass them.  A lot of factors played a role in the defeat, many of them had less to do with the measure and more to do with the messenger.

The Real Ballot Initiatives Are Coming Up

June 11th, 2010

By Tom Elias, THE SAN GABRIEL VALLEY TRIBUNE (CALIFORNIA)

In the realm of California ballot initiatives, the preliminaries are over.

Yes, some people cared deeply about the recently-passed Proposition 14 and its effort to change state government via an open primary election system. Two big companies cared enough to invest more than $70 million in their own pet initiatives, designed to feather their nests a bit more. Both lost.

But when it comes to influencing the future lives of Californians, three measures either on or about to come onto the November ballot have far greater potential than anything on the primary election ballot. These propositions do not yet have numbers, but one is an effort to legalize marijuana, another would rescind the landmark 2006 anti-greenhouse gas law known as AB32 and the third is an $11 billion water bond.

If passed, all could have major lifestyle effects. More than four months before the fall vote, the one with the least chance of success appears to be the effort to stymie AB32. But that could change because of the cash being put behind it by two major Texas oil companies which operate refineries here. They’ve spent about $1 million so far on the drive to qualify this measure for the ballot, which appears likely to succeed.

It’s impossible to say which of these measures might have the most impact. For sure, legalizing pot would affect millions of people and might have surprising and unpredictable effects on the economies of several counties. Because most of those who want to use the weed can already find all they want, it might not have much effect on automobile accident rates, academic performance or general alertness. And it might free up police to fight other crimes now back-burnered at times while cops chase pot growers.

Why does the effort to dump AB32 have the least chance of passage, at least at first glance? One reason is that voters who want to say no to AB32 will have to vote yes on this proposition. That kind of confusion never bodes well for ballot measures. Another is that while Mercury Insurance and Pacific Gas & Electric Co. outspent opponents of their pet propositions this spring by a margin of about 500-1 – and still lost – the oil companies and others who oppose limiting greenhouse gases will not be alone in the financial field.

Forces wanting to preserve AB32 and its requirement for cutting carbon dioxide emissions to 1990 levels by 2020 have their own campaign committee, dubbed Californians for Clean Energy and Jobs, co-chaired by former Secretary of State George Shultz, who often backs conservative politicians and policies. Among its members are the League of Women Voters, Google, the Audubon Society, labor unions including the Teamsters and the California Nurses Assn., Levi Strauss and the Silicon Valley Leadership Group.

So this will be a two-sided campaign, with one faction calling AB32 the ultimate in job-killing regulations and maintaining it has already caused many businesses to leave California and the other dubbing the anti-32 proposition the “Dirty Energy Initiative” and claiming AB32 will create far more jobs by promoting “green” energy than it will cost. One way or the other, this one will likely affect the lives of millions of Californians.

The campaign over the water bond proposition will also not be one-sided. This measure – not an initiative because the Legislature put it on the ballot – draws large-scale support from the state’s huge agriculture industry and water agencies from Sacramento south. It’s opposed by some environmental groups and by conservatives who don’t like the idea of issuing more bonds at a time of financial crisis.

The pro-water bond side says the measure recognizes today’s tight budget problems by requiring bonds to be sold slowly, with no more than half the $11 billion to be issued before the end of 2015. They argue that the well-documented water shortages of the past two years, which caused several Central California farming counties to make one list of the 20 most troubled counties in America, dictate creation of new reservoirs and dams. They also claim that without quick fixups, a Hurricane Katrina-like calamity could befall residential areas that now stand beneath levees along the Sacramento River and other mid-state waterways.

Meanwhile, opponents argue the bill creates a new state water commission made up entirely of the governor’s appointees and that conservation is the answer to water problems. Some in the North State insist the measure would inevitably lead to construction of a Peripheral Canal to bring Northern California water south around the delta of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, something that’s anathema to many in the north.

Again, whichever way this goes, it will have a massive effect on lifestyles. If the proponents are right, and defeat leads to perpetual water rationing, lawns will change, showers will be shorter and restaurants will go back to serving water only on demand, as they did during a long drought in the 1970s.

And if it wins, there could be both new state budget troubles and more water for farms.

It’s almost as if the spring campaign was a form of spring training, with the real season for initiative politics coming right up.

tdelias@aol.com

Thomas Elias is a syndicated columnist who covers California issues. He lives in Santa Monica. His book, “The Burzynski Breakthrough,” is now available in a softcover fourth edition.

California’s Voters Are Difficult To Pigeonhole

June 10th, 2010

By Bill McEwen, THE FRESNO BEE

Welcome to California, where the “C” stands for contradictory — when it comes to politics.

I dare you to identify a common thread in Tuesday’s election results.

We were told that this election was all about money. Big money was a factor. It helped billionaire Meg Whitman smash Steve Poizner to smithereens, and it sustained Carly Fiorina, especially when her main rival, Tom Campbell, ran low on campaign cash.

But big money didn’t produce the desired results for Pacific Gas & Electric Co. and Mercury Insurance. Voters saw through their fake concern for consumers and shot down two special-interest ballot measures.

Proposition 16 opponents earned a place in political history, raising just $90,000 to defeat an initiative that PG&E backed with $46 million.

And unsung Brian FitzGerald may win a close race to become the Republican nominee for state insurance commissioner — over Assembly Member Mike Villines of Clovis — despite spending just $4,000 on his campaign.

Are you kidding me?

A family with teenage drivers probably spends $4,000 a year on car insurance.

It has been said many times that California is too big and too diverse to reach political consensus. Yet when asked if they wanted an open primary, voters in 56 of the state’s 58 counties resoundingly said yes.

Only ultra-liberal San Francisco and ultra-conservative Orange County voted against Proposition 14 — giving credence to the suggestion that a majority of Californians are more moderate than the extremists running the state’s Democratic and Republican parties.

Now, for the contradiction of the Prop. 14 results: the open- primary effort was led and funded by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, whose public approval rating is 23%.

Turns out, voters can love a message without loving the messenger.

We’ll see if Prop. 14 forces Republican and Democrats to move to the political center, as proponents claim. Or, if open primaries are much ado about nothing — as has been the case in other states.

One thing for sure: if we had an open primary in Tuesday’s 19th District Congressional vote, two Republicans — Jeff Denham and Jim Patterson — would have moved on to the November election. In finishing second on the Republican ballot, Patterson received more votes than Democratic nominee Loraine Goodwin.

Political analysts also have been saying that voters are angry and hungry for change. In contrarian Fresno, that wasn’t the case in two City Council races.

Sal Quintero, a former two-term council member, led all vote-getters and qualified for the runoff in District 5. Mike Briggs, a former council member and state lawmaker, received the most votes in District 3 and made the runoff, as well.

At the same time, nearly 65% of voters said they like the City Council the way it is with seven members and increased the population trigger that will expand the council to nine seats.

So, the thread of this election is that there is no thread.

We like who and what we like. We know it when we see it.

And we can’t be bought or fooled by big-dollar candidates and corporations.

Some of the time, anyway.

The columnist can be reached at bmcewen@fresnobee.com or (559) 441-6632.

Voters Get Wise To Sly Corporate Power Plays

June 10th, 2010

By Dan Morain, THE SACRAMENTO BEE

Once again, California voters delivered a two-edged message, or so it seems.

Republicans nominated two deep-pocketed former chief executives who had spent heavily on their campaigns to be their standard bearers for governor and U.S. Senate.

At the same time, Californians sent two heavily funded initiatives backed by individual corporations down to ignominious defeat.

Proposition 16, backed by PG&E’s $47 million to the opponents’ $90,000, and Proposition 17, backed by Mercury Insurance’s $16 million to less than $1 million for its foes, lost by nearly identical margins.

PG&E and Mercury join a select few corporations that came up with way-too-clever concepts, then tried to sell them to a supposedly disengaged electorate notorious for deciding weighty issues based on 30-second television ads, only to find out that we Californians aren’t so gullible after all.

Both initiatives had powerful themes. PG&E was promising Californians the right to vote on issues related to government expansion into power generation. Mercury promised most auto insurance customers a break on their rates.

But once voters scratched below the surface, they were able to sniff out the true intent – corporate grabs to solidify and expand their markets.

“It’s hard to con voters into voting yes,” said Robert Stern, an initiative expert and president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles. “The default position is ‘no.’ If voters are confused, they will vote ‘no.’ ”

Gale Kaufman helped organize the No-on-16 campaign by using $90,000 to pay for a poll and consumer activists. She didn’t have money for television, and instead bought Internet ads.

“There is a growing anger and huge skepticism about who is paying for what goes on the ballot,” Kaufman said. That attitude seems to be growing, especially as initiative promoters devise ideas that clearly benefit a particular company or industry.

Chris Lehane, who helped run the campaign against Proposition 17, said a change is taking place in the world of initiatives. Voters are relying less on traditional television advertising about ballot measures and are looking elsewhere for information, including news accounts and editorials in mainstream publications.

Voters also are becoming more attuned to bogus endorsements, he believes. In PG&E’s case, the company touted the endorsement of an entity that called itself a consumer alliance. But no one from established consumer groups had ever heard of it.

So what does all this mean for former eBay CEO Meg Whitman and former Hewlett-Packard chief Carly Fiorina? It might not be a good sign.

Whitman and Fiorina won in a closed Republican primary in which 1.7 million Republicans voted.

A far larger group of roughly 4 million voters including Republicans, Democrats and people who state no party preference voted down Propositions 16 and 17.

A look at how counties voted sheds more light. Propositions 16 and 17 lost big in Democratic parts of the state. In San Francisco and Yolo counties, for example, the initiatives were trounced by 2-to-1 ratios. Proposition 16 lost by 42 percent to 58 percent in Sacramento County, another Democratic bastion.

In the Republican areas of the state, including Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino and San Diego counties, both measures won by significant margins. The pattern played out in much of the rest of the state, where counties that have Democratic majorities opposed the measures and voters in Republican-leaning counties approved them.

Republicans have nominated Whitman and Fiorina, but neither has won office in an election that includes Democratic voters and people who decline to state party preferences.

The general election campaign is now in its second day, way too early to gauge who will win. But at least on primary election day, voters took a very dim view of corporate interests.

dmorain@sacbee.com

Despite Prop. 17’s Defeat, Auto Insurers’ Battle May Not Be Over

June 10th, 2010

By Carol J. Williams, THE LOS ANGELES TIMES

A $16-million effort by auto insurers to ease regulations may not be over despite state voters’ decision to reject Proposition 17, which would have allowed drivers to take their continuous-coverage discount with them if they switched carriers.

By the time all votes were counted early Wednesday, voters defeated the initiative 52% to 48%, despite lopsided campaign funding that allowed insurance industry supporters to outspend opponents 12 to 1.

The hard-fought battle was waged between consumer advocates, who said the measure would increase premiums, and insurers, led by Mercury Group, which contended in an advertising blitz that the proposition would cut rates.

Consumer Watchdog of Santa Monica hailed the measure’s defeat as a sign that voters are wary of letting big business intrude into the citizen initiative process that allowed the proponents to get the issue on the ballot.

But spokesmen for Californians for Fair Auto Insurance Rates, the Yes on 17 campaign, said they were disappointed and signaled that they might carry on the fight for regulation revisions they expect to bring more business their way.

Mercury Chairman George Joseph, who for years has been struggling to get the changes through the Legislature and survive court challenges, says he’s not sure what his next step might be.

“We have to convince people … that this is a good thing for consumers. I don’t think we made this clear enough,” Joseph said, repeating the campaign’s message that more than 80% of insured motorists would benefit from being allowed to take their loyalty discounts with them to a new insurer.

Mercury provided the vast majority of the Yes on 17 funding, used to bombard drivers with the message that passage would correct “a flaw in the law” and spur more competition among insurers.

Proponents failed in their attempt “to scam California drivers by authorizing surcharges that voters made illegal in 1988 when they passed Proposition 103,” said Harvey Rosenfield, founder of Consumer Watchdog and author of the ballot measure that has regulated car insurance rates for 22 years.

“This is a victory not just for motorists in California, but a broader victory for California voters, who have made it clear they don’t intend to let insurance companies or utility companies or other big corporations subvert the people’s initiative process,” Rosenfield said.

The Campaign for Consumer Rights spent about $1.3 million to urge voters to reject the Mercury-backed measure.

The campaign warned voters that passage would eventually raise rates for new drivers, military personnel serving out of state and anyone who quit driving for a while to save money or take public transpiration.

Opponents also contended the threat of higher rates for those already paying top dollar for car insurance could lead to more uninsured drivers on the state’s roads.

Coupled with defeat of Proposition 16, a measure backed by Pacific Gas & Electric Co., which would have required voter approval before cities could get into the electricity business, voters sent a strong message that their voice in the political process cannot be bought, Rosenfield said.

The insurance industry backers stood their ground despite Proposition 17’s failure.

“Voters missed an opportunity to extend an auto insurance discount that could have lowered auto insurance rates for millions of drivers,” said Mike D’Arelli, executive director of the Alliance of Insurance Agents & Brokers that backed the initiative.

“There is no doubt that extending the continuous coverage discount would have improved current auto law for consumers,” he said.

Kathy Fairbanks of the Yes on 17 campaign described its defeat as “a Pyrrhic victory” for opponents because they are being investigated by the Fair Political Practices Commission for what she said was an attempt to hide the source of $590,000 in contributions to the StopProp17 campaign.

Rosenfield dismissed the failed sponsors’ report of campaign finance irregularities as sour grapes and said his campaign would welcome the commission’s review because they have scrupulously complied with campaign laws.

carol.williams@latimes.com

Marc Lifsher in Sacramento contributed to this report.

Foes Say California Voters Saw Through Props. 16 and 17

June 10th, 2010

By Mark Glover and Dale Kasler, THE SACRAMENTO BEE

Opponents of Propositions 16 and 17 said Wednesday that the defeat of the two measures was all about money.

Or to be more precise: voter dissatisfaction that Pacific Gas and Electric Co. and Mercury Insurance spent a whopping $60 million combined on the respective measures.

Jack Pitney, a political science professor at Claremont McKenna College, said the lesson is that “if you’re going to win a special-interest initiative, you need a better disguise. The link was too obvious, and the voters smelled a rat.”

Pitney cited the primary victories by Meg Whitman and Carly Fiorina as proof that voters don’t inherently object to business people entering politics.

“People like the idea of free enterprise, but in (Propositions 16 and 17) people sensed that one specific corporation was seeking a benefit for (itself),” he said.

With all precincts statewide reporting, 52.5 percent of voters were giving Proposition 16 a thumbs down. “No” votes on Proposition 17 accounted for 52.1 percent of the total.

While the California secretary of state’s office said “tens of thousands” of absentee ballots are still being counted, political analysts said it’s highly unlikely the results will change.

Out of about 3.85 million votes cast, Proposition 16 trailed by about 185,000 votes. Proposition 17 was failing by about 156,000 votes.

Proposition 16 – formally known as the Taxpayers Right to Vote Act – was put on the California ballot as a constitutional amendment requiring a two-thirds vote before a public utility could extend service to new customers or new territories.

From the beginning, it was spearheaded virtually single-handedly by San Francisco-based PG&E, which spent $46 million to persuade voters to approve it.

Proposition 17 was put on the ballot by Los Angeles-based Mercury Insurance. It would have overturned state law prohibiting insurance companies from considering a driver’s insurance history to set rates. It would have allowed customers to take their “loyalty discounts” with them even if they switched insurance providers.

Mercury spent about $16 million to back the measure.

PG&E insisted that it was simply good policy for voters to have a say when millions of electric customers and taxpayer dollars are on the line. Mercury claimed that Proposition 17 worked to the benefit of millions of Golden State motorists.

Opponents said otherwise. They said the businesses were just trying to shanghai the initiative process to make more money and grab more power.

Proposition 103 author Harvey Rosenfield warned Wednesday that “the initiative process is in danger of being co-opted by big corporations. You had two big corporations trying to enact their business plan as law.”

Gale Kaufman, a campaign consultant for No on 16, said opponents only had about $100,000 to spend, with about $30,000 going into an early poll. She said that poll indicated that Proposition 16 was “losing very convincingly” from the start.

Kaufman said voters didn’t see Proposition 16 as a citizen-empowerment measure, but as a cleverly worded ploy of a single for-profit utility.

“(PG&E’s) biggest miscalculation, besides spending all that money, was that they really thought they could trick people by the phrasing they used on that initiative,” she said.

Kaufman credited an aggressive viral campaign “and a lot of people who did their own thing” for rallying voters against Proposition 16.

Greg Pruett, senior vice president of corporate affairs for PG&E, issued a statement that said, in part: “While the election outcome hasn’t diminished our steadfast belief that citizens should have a vote in local government efforts to enter the electric utility business, we respect the decision voters made on this initiative.”

Mercury Insurance portrayed the defeat of Proposition 17 as a blow to consumers. “Proposition 17 was a pro-consumer initiative that would have lowered auto insurance rates for millions of California drivers,” the company said in a statement.

PG&E Corp. stock closed at $40, down 90 cents, on Wednesday, and Mercury General Corp., the parent of Mercury Insurance, closed at $42.18, down 24 cents. Both are traded on the New York Stock Exchange.

Contact the author at: mglover@sacbee.com

Report: Auto Insurance Measure Backed by Mercury General Defeated

June 10th, 2010

By Kelly Durkin, SNL INSURANCE DAILY

California voters have defeated a measure that would have allowed insurance companies to hike rates for drivers with lapsed coverage and to give discounts to those who do not let their coverage lapse, the San Francisco Chronicle reported June 9.

Mercury General Corp. was the primary sponsor of Proposition 17, also known as the Continuous Coverage Auto Insurance Discount Act, with the company having contributed substantial funds toward the measure.

Consumer advocates had opposed the measure, arguing that it would let companies increase rates on drivers who were not previously insured or who let coverage temporarily lapse, actions prohibited by deceptive pricing and rate discrimination law.

The California Department of Insurance had accused Mercury General in February of violating that state law, Proposition 103.

Despite Spending $46 Million, California Rejects PG&E

June 9th, 2010

By Paul Hogarth, CALITICS.COM

I’ve been a political campaign junkie for years. And the frustrating part about this job is that after going to Election Night parties, I have to go home and write about it for readers to view the next morning. So if a particular race takes the whole night to resolve, I could be up very late. But I had no problem sticking around the “No on 16″ campaign party last night until 1:00 a.m. – monitoring the results with Supervisor Ross Mirkarimi, State Senator Mark Leno and our good friends at TURN. Because last night’s defeat of Prop 16 was one of the most historic victories in California history. Outspent over 1,000-to-one by a monster utility company, consumer advocates defeated by a 52-47 margin an odious measure that would have cemented PG&E’s (NYSE:PCG) monopoly. To call this a David & Goliath victory does not give it justice. As my friend Robert Cruickshank wrote at Calitics, it’s like “an ant taking down an elephant.” Oh, and Prop 17 failed too.

PG&E is desperate to stop community choice aggregation – where local governments can purchase energy to offer their constituents a “public option” to the company’s monopoly. Proposition 16 would have required a two-thirds vote of the electorate before cities can do community choice aggregation, and cynically dubbed it the Taxpayer’s Right to Vote.

Never mind that taxpayers already have the right to vote out their elected officials – if they don’t support community choice aggregation. Never mind that ratepayers were not given the chance on voting for PG&E as their energy provider. Public power is not even one of my top “issues,” but I was outraged that PG&E would try something like Prop 16.

PG&E shattered campaign spending records with $46 million to pass Prop 16 – ratepayer money that we give them every month when we pay our energy bills. The only organized opposition was TURN (the Utility Reform Network), who only raised $90,000. Bloggers by making “No on 16″ videos, and a hilarious . But the campaign often seemed like a rag-tag army tilting at the windmills.

When I arrived at the “No on 16″ party at Otis Lounge around 9:30 p.m., the results were looking bad. We were down by about three points, but the night was still young. Having watched statewide campaigns for years, I knew it would ultimately come down to Los Angeles County – so I quickly went online to check how we were doing down there.

Not good. The early absentees had Prop 16 winning L.A. County by 13 points, far worse than where we were statewide. If this kept on during the night, it was going to be painful. The public power entity in Los Angeles had just raised rates, and folks at the party said it may be why Prop 16 was doing so well. Small comfort for the largest county in the state.

Mark Toney of TURN was saying we should be proud that we held PG&E to such a close margin, after having been outspent nearly 1,000-to-one – but I cringed when I heard that. We were losing. Sure, we were doing pretty well in Northern California – where people know and hate PG&E, but we were getting creamed down south. Where the votes are.

But as the night wore on, some folks pointed out how well we were doing in counties like Fresno, Madera, and Mariposa. These are conservative places in the Central Valley, but PG&E had alienated these customers with “smart meters.” I checked how we were doing in San Benito County – which political junkies often say is the bellwether of California state politics. We were slightly ahead in San Benito County, but only by about 50 votes.

And the L.A. County numbers were trickling in – slowly, but surely. We were still losing there, but the margin was noticeably trending in our favor. By now, everyone at the party was huddled around a small number of laptops – while I double-checked the Secretary of State’s website with what individual counties were saying. Places like San Diego and Orange County were coming in where we were behind, but we were not losing ground.

Pretty soon, our three-point loss became a one-point lead – and there was a palpable sense in the air that we could win it. I wasn’t convinced yet – scouring the L.A. County numbers to see if this positive trend in our favor was not going to start reversing itself.

When 58% of L.A. County had been counted, we were ahead there. I got up, and boldly shouted that we had won. It reminded me of the scene in Milk, when Jim Rivaldo tells Harvey Milk not to worry about the Briggs Initiative. L.A. County had just come in, and we were going to win. By now, I was sure that we had slain the Prop 16 dragon.

During that whole time, Proposition 17 – Mercury Insurance’s scam to rip off consumers – had been ahead by a wider margin than Prop 16. As we were all fixated on the Prop 16 results, it became apparent that Prop 17 results were following similar trends. By the end of the evening, Prop 17 had likewise had the same fate – it also lost by about five points.

As of 4:00 this morning, Prop 16 is losing 47-53 – with 91.6% of all precincts reporting. Not only is this a stunning rebuke of PG&E, but it is a strong mandate for public power. Californians want a choice in the energy marketplace, and are ready for a “public option” that provides them with competitive rates and renewable energy sources.

And PG&E will deserve every share of anger, rebuke and humiliation coming at it.

Paul Hogarth is the Managing Editor of Beyond Chron, San Francisco’s Alternative Online Daily, where this piece was first published.